Saturday, April 16, 2011

Lieutenant General Denzil Lakshman Kobbekaduwa RWP, RSP, VSV, USP, rcds, psc, SLAC

Lieutenant General Denzil Lakshman Kobbekaduwa RWP, RSP, VSV, USP, rcds, psc, SLAC (In Sinhalese: ලුතිනන් ජෙනරාල් ඩෙන්සිල් ලක්ෂ්මණ් කොබ්බෑකඩුව) (July 27, 1940 – August 8, 1992) was a highly decorated and respected General in the Sri Lanka army. He was assassinated along with 9 other military officers in a land-mine explosion.

Early life

Born into a typically Kandyan family, the second child and eldest of three sons, Kobbekaduwa was educated at Trinity College Kandy. At school he excelled in sports, especially rugby football, playing as scrum half. He continued to play even after he had joined the army. He also played rugby football for Sri Lanka, and coached, refereed and administered the game on a national level. He was also a Board member of the Duncan White Sports Foundation.
Military career

Lt. General Kobbekaduwa joined the army in May 1960 and received his training at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in England. After returning to Sri Lanka, he was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in the 1st Reconnaissance Regiment of the Sri Lanka Armoured Corps. Although the army was more a parade ground army at that time, Lt. General Kobbekaduwa was to see it turned into a well trained, battle hardened and disciplined army. Lt. Kobbekaduwa was well liked both by his superiors, peers, and subordinates, and his promotions within the army came swiftly, despite twice being a victim of political interdictions in 1977 and 1965 when he was sent on compulsory leave following an attempted coup d'état but was returned to active service in 1970. General Kobbekaduwa was a graduate of Royal College of Defence Studies and the British Army Staff College at Camberley. He was promoted to Major General in 1990 and was posthumously promoted to Lieutenant General in 1992.
Kobbekaduwa was an excellent strategist, who could obtain maximum advantage from minimum resources. Even the LTTE fighters respected Kobbekaduwa’s strategic skills and military tactics.
He was quoted as saying "Why should we let anyone else fight our war?" The IPKF, unhappy with his presence at the front, complained twice. His sense of justice made him realise that although the Tigers were all Tamil, this did not necessarily mean that all Tamils were LTTE. He wanted to win the confidence of the civilian population and make them realise that they were better off trusting the government army.
He was fighting an enemy who had a large stock of arms and an advanced military infrastructure with limited manpower and finances. This made it difficult to hold on to territory, subjugating the people of the area to a military rule while continuing to wage war against a guerrilla army.
He used three principles in his counter-insurgency war measures: firstly, he did not believe in holding down land, secondly, he believed in drawing the enemy away from populated areas to minimise civilian deaths and with advance manoeuvring and superior fire power strain and destroy the enemy fire power, and thirdly make the civilians realise that they were better off trusting the armed forces. In fact, the UNHCR paid a tribute to him for his humanitarian approach to the beleaguered Tamil population.
Denzil Kobbekaduwa has been called an "exceptional Third World General". This is not to denigrate him but shows how good he was at carrying out a campaign under third world situations, where funds were limited and every resource had to be carefully nursed. It was Kobbekaduwa who in 1985 waged war with the LTTE on two fronts.
Famous military operations
Operation Liberation

Main article: Vadamarachchi Operation
The “Operation Liberation” or “Vadamarachchi Operation”, the military offensive carried out by the Sri Lankan military during May to June 1987, to re-gain the territory of Vadamarachchi in Jaffana peninsula from the LTTE control. This military offensive marked in Sri Lankan military history as first ever engaged in conventional warfare in Sri Lankan soil after the British colonial rule.
Brigadier Denzil Kobbekaduwa and Colonel Vijaya Wimalaratne are the two key military personnel who committed themselves to gain the victory for the government troops. The PresidentMahinda Rajapaksa government’s “Secretary of Defence” Gotabaya Rajapaksa then as a Major also participated in the military offensive along with them. Former Sri Lankan PresidentJ.R Jayewardene and minister of National Security Lalith Athulathmudali held the political leadership for the operation until the government of India violated the Sri Lankan air space using the Indian air force to drop food over Jaffna (Operation Poomalai) on June 4, 1987, which forced the government to accept Indo-Lanka Peace accord.
The offensive started on May 26, 1987 under the leadership of two commanders battalion consisting around 8,000 troops from “Gemunu Watch” and “Gajaba Regiment”, supported by theair force. The difficulty for the troops to out from Thondamanaru area because LTTE exploded the Thondamanaru bridge to delay the troops reaching Valvettithurai, the native place(home town) of LTTE leader Prabhakaran. On May 28, troops managed to capture Udupiddy and Valvettithurai, and another military column captured Nelliady and advanced towards Point Pedro without giving any possibility to re-grouping of the LTTE units. In the first week of June, troops managed to gain control over the entire zone and captured a large cache of arms left by LTTE. The military intelligence disclosed the LTTE leader Prabakaran along with Sea Tiger leader Soosai narrowly escaped from advancing troops.
Operation Balavegaya
Main article: Operation Balavegaya
One of the most famous victories executed by Lt. General Kobbekaduwa was the manner in which he broke the siege of Elephant Pass. Elephant pass has been known as "Alimankada" in historical times. The attack on the army camp at Alimankada (Elephant Pass), which was launched in July 1991 was planned by Prabhakaran himself who named it "Operation Charles Anthony". Charles Anthony, alias Seelan had been Prabhakaran’s closest ally and it was in retaliation for his death that the landmine which killed an officer and 12 young soldiers was set off in July 1983.
Prabhakaran even came out of hiding to visit the LTTE forward areas prior to launching the attack. Civilians were co-opted to man supply lines and hospitals and provide other services with all available transport being requisitioned and hundreds of coffins being stockpiled in readiness for the operation. The attack was launched with about 3000 personnel (men and women drawn from the North and East) but at the height of the battle this number rose to about 6000. The LTTE leader was willing to sacrifice anyone to win this location while he directed the attack himself from his hideout in Chavakachcheri.
The tactics used by Lt. General Kobbekaduwa in breaking this siege were unprecedented in the annals of Sri Lankan military history. Though the battle plans for Operation Balavegaya one was drawn up at the Joint Operations headquarters in Colombo the execution of these plans was in the hands of Lt. General Kobbekaduwa.
With no tanks and heavy armour, 8000 men were deployed for the rescue mission to relieve the besieged camp and regain territory captured by the LTTE. This was an amphibious operation backed with helicopters carrying troops. Lt. General Kobbekaduwa was in the landing craft leading his men from the front, taking the same risks as his men.
The resistance was so intense that some battalion commanders were considering aborting the operation temporarily. Lt. General Kobbekaduwa wanted to go ahead. In this he was supported by Brigadier Vijaya Wimalaratne, who died in the same bomb blast at Araly Point. Despite heavy enemy firepower, the taskforce established a beachhead at Veralakuruna (Vettilaikerny).
The Adampan (Attampana) operation is one such instance. Here the armed forces waged a two prong attack one in the south-eastern entrance of Madhu Adampan base region while the main thrust was in the north western sector. It was only later the LTTE realised that while their forces were engaged the army had interdicted their supply lines in the area where the Mannar coast was linked to the jungle base of the Wanni.
Death
On August 8, 1992 Maj. General Kobbekaduwa, General Officer Commanding Northern Sector, Brigadier (posthumously Major General) Vijaya Wimalaratne, Jaffna Brigade Commander and Commodore (posthumously Rear Admiral) Mohan Jayamaha, Commander Northern Naval Area were killed when the Land Rover they were traveling in was destroyed by a land mine blast. Seven others were killed in the including Lt. Colonels G.H. Ariyaratne, A. Palipahana, H.R. Stephen, all three battalion commanders, Lieutenant Commander Asanga Lankathilaka, Lieutenant Commander C.B Wijepura  and Major N.S. De Alwis, General Kobbekaduwa's ADC.
They were planning an offensive code named "Operation Final Countdown" to liberate the northern peninsula from the LTTE, which was to be launched shortly. The final decision was delayed until they could reconnoiter in a particular area to finalise troop movements, which required a visit to Araly point the next day. As they were returning to be taken back to the base by helicopter, the incident occurred.

An explosion was heard by two Majors who were watching the Land Rover jeep in which the three military leaders were traveling. Majors Rupasinghe and Induruwa were 400 yards away from the jeep. When they came running up, they found that except for two persons, the others, whose bodies were mutilated, had died instantaneously.
The officer's wife, Lali Kobbekaduwa, called for an international commission into the incident. This was not granted, but the Sri Lankan Government set up their own commission to investigate.






Late Hon. J. R. Jayawardena

Junius Richard Jayewardene (September 17, 1906 – November 1, 1996), famously abbreviated in Sri Lanka as JR, was the first executive President of Sri Lanka, serving from 1978 till 1989. He was a leader of the nationalist movement in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) who served in a variety of cabinet positions in the decades following independence. Before taking over the newly created executive presidency, he served as the Prime minister of Sri Lanka between 1977 and 1978.

Early life & education

J.R. Jayewardene, who was the eldest in a family of 11 children, was the son of Hon. Justice Eugene Wilfred Jayewardene KC a Chief Justice of Ceylon. Educated at the prestigious Royal College, Colombo where he played for the college cricket team, debuting in the Royal-Thomian series in 1925 and captained rugger team at the annual Royal-Trinity Encounter which later became known as the Bradby Shield Encounter. Excelling in both studies and sports, he became the head prefect in 1925 and also represented the school in football, boxing and was a member of the cadet corp.
Jayewardene entered the University College, Colombo in 1926 where he attaining a distinguished academic record and showed a keen interest in sports. In 1928 he entered Colombo Law College and passed out as an advocate, starting his practice in the unofficial Bar, for a brief period. Jayewardene converted from Christianity to Buddhism in his youth.
Political career

Jayewardene did not practice law for long, however. In 1938 he became an activist in the Ceylon National Congress (CNC), which provided the organizational platform for Ceylon's nationalist movement (the island was officially renamed Sri Lanka in 1972). He became its Joint Secretary in 1940. He was elected to the colonial legislature, the State Council in 1943 by wining the Kelaniya by-election. During World War II, Jayewardene, along with other nationalists, contacted the Japanese and discussed a rebellion to drive the British from the island.
After joining the United National Party on its formation in 1946, he became Finance Minister in the island’s first Cabinet in 1947. He played a major role in re-admitting Japan to the world community at the San Francisco Conference.
Jayewardene's acute intelligence and subtle, often aggressive political skills earned him leading roles in government (1947–1956 and 1965–1970) and in opposition (1956–1965 and 1970–1977). In 1951 Jayewardene was a member of the committee to select a National Anthem for Sri Lanka headed by Sir Edwin Wijeyeratne. The following year he was elected as the President of the Board of Control for Cricket in Ceylon.
As the youngest Finance Minister, in D.S. Senanayake's government, Jayewardene struggled to balance the budget, faced with mounting government expenditures, particularly for rice subsidies. His 1953 proposal to cut the subsidies - on which many poor people depended on for survival - provoked fierce opposition and the 1953 Hartal campaign, and had to be called off.
By the late 1950s, the UNP struggled to deal with the rising force of the Sinhala-nationalist Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Jayewardene pushed the party to accommodate nationalism and endorse the Sinhala Only Act, which was bitterly opposed by the island's minorities. Throughout the 1960s Jayewardene clashed over this issue with party leader Dudley Senanayake. Jayewardene saw how skilfully the SLFP had played the ethnic card, and felt the UNP should be willing to do the same, even if it meant losing the support of ethnic minorities.
No government gave serious thought to the development of the industry as an economically viable venture until the United National Party came to power in 1965 and the subject of tourism came under the purview of the Minister of State Hon. J. R. Jayewardene.
The new Minister Jayewardene saw tourism in a new dimension as a great industry capable of earning foreign exchange, providing avenues of mass employment, creating a manpower which commanded a high, employment potential in the world. He was determined to place this industry on a solid foundation providing it a 'conceptional base and institutional support.' This was necessary to bring dynamism and cohesiveness into an industry, shunned by leaders in the past, ignored by investors who were inhibited by the lack of incentive to invest in projects which were uncertain of a satisfactory return. The new Minister Hon. J. R. Jayewardene considered it essential for the government to give that assurance and with this objective in view he tabled the Ceylon Tourist Board Act No 10 of 1966 followed by Ceylon Hotels Corporation Act No 14 of 1966.
This was the beginning of a new industry ignored by the previous governments but given a new life by Minister J. R. Jayewardene. As a result today tourist resorts exist in almost all cities and today an annual turnover of over 500,000 tourists are enjoying the tropical climes and beautiful beaches of Sri Lanka not to mention the enormous amount of foreign exchange they bring into the country.
In the general election of 1970 the UNP suffered a major defeat, when the SLFP and its newly formed collation of leftist parties won almost 2/3 of the parliamentary seats. Once again elected to parliament J. R. Jayewardene took over as opposition leader and de-facto leader of the UNP due to the ill health of Dudley Senanayake. After Senanayake's death in 1973, Jayewardene succeeded him as UNP leader. He gave the SLFP government his fullest support during the 1971 JVP Insurrection (even though his son was arrested by the police without charges) and in 1972 when the new constitution was enacted proclaiming Ceylon a republic. However he opposed the government in many moves, which he saw as short sighted and damaging for the country's economy in the long run. These included the adaptation of the closed economy and nationalization of many private business and lands. In 1976 he resigned from his seat in parliament in protest, when the government used its large majority in parliament to extend the duration of the government by two more years at the end of its six year term without holding a general election or a referendum requesting public approval.
Presidency
Jayewardene won a sweeping election victory in 1977 to become Prime Minister. Immediately thereafter, he amended the first republican constitution of 1972 and created the post of executive president. Provisions were included in it which made him President without an election. He swore as the President on 4 February 1978. He passed a new constitution on 31 August 1978 which came into operation on 7 September of the same year. It retained the Executive Presidency with drastic and unchecked powers, and, on its adoption into law, continued him as the first Sri Lankan Executive President. He moved the legislative capital from Colombo to Sri Jayawardanapura Kotte. He opened the heavily state-controlled economy to market forces, which many credit with subsequent economic growth but also with the greater divisions in society.
After the 1977 riots, the government made one concession to the Tamils; it lifted the policy of standardization for university admission that had driven many Tamil youths into militancy. The concession was regarded by the militants as too little and too late, and violent attacks continued.
Jayewardene moved to crack down on the growing activity of Tamil militant groups. He passed the Prevention of Terrorism Act in 1979, giving police sweeping powers of arrest and detention. This only escalated the ethnic tensions. Jayewardene claimed he needed overwhelming power to deal with the militants. He had likely SLFP presidential nominee Sirimavo Bandaranaike stripped of her civic rights and barred from running for office for six years, based her decision in 1976 to extend the life of parliament. This ensured that the SLFP would be unable to field a strong candidate against him in the 1982 election, leaving his path to victory clear. This election was held under the 3rd amendment to the constitution which empowered the president to hold a Presidential Election anytime after the expiration of 4 years of his first term.
The UNP had obtained an overwhelming majority in the 1977 elections, and Jayewardene was loth to part with it. He therefore held a referendum to cancel the 1983 parliamentary elections, and allow the 1977 parliament to continue until 1989. He also passed a constitutional amendment barring from Parliament any MP who supported separatism; this effectively eliminated the main opposition party, the Tamil United Liberation Front.
Civil war


Jayewardene said in Daily Telegraph, 11th July 1983," Really if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy."
At first, the war went badly for the government, and the LTTE ended up in possession of Jaffna and most of the northern province. The army counterattacked with an offensive that threatened to retake the city, at the cost of many civilian casualties. Jayewardene had to halt the offensive after pressure from India pushed for a negotiated solution to the conflict. Jayewardene and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi finally concluded theIndo-Sri Lanka Accord, which provided for devolution of powers to Tamil dominated regions, an Indian peacekeeping force in the north, and the demobilization of the LTTE.
The LTTE rejected the accord, as it fell short of even an autonomous state.The provincial councils suggested by India were the once that didn't even had powers to control over revenue,police,government sponsored Sinhala settlements in Tamil provinces . Sinhala nationalists were outraged by both the devolution and the presence of foreign troops on Sri Lankan soil. An attempt was made on Jayawardene's life in 1987 as a result of his signing of the accord. Young, deprived Sinhalese soon rose in revolt, organized by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which was eventually put down by the government.
Jayewardene retired from politics in 1989; his successor Ranasinghe Premadasa was formally inaugurated on 2 January 1989.
Foreign Policy

Quite contrary to his predecessor, Sirima Bandaranaika, Jayawardena's foreign policy was aligned American policies (earning him the nickname 'Yankie Dickie') much to the chagrin of India. Before Jayawardena's ascendency into the presidency, Sri Lanka had doors widely open to its neighbourhood India. Jayawardena's tenure in the office restricted the doors to India a number of times; once an American company tender was granted over an Indian company tender.
Legacy

On the economic front, Jayewardene's legacy was decisive. For thirty years after independence, Sri Lanka had struggled in vain with slow growth and high unemployment. Since Jayewardene's reforms, the island has maintained healthy growth despite the civil war.

On the ethnic question, Jayewardene's legacy is bitterly divisive. When he took office, ethnic tensions were present but the country as a whole was at peace. By the end of his tenure, Sri Lanka was facing not one but two civil wars, both featuring unprecedented levels of violence and brutality.
Though Jayewardene indeed did not take measures to stop the attack on Tamils, he was not opposed to them personally, only politically. One of his most esteemed friends was a supreme court judge of Tamil ethnicity, a member of an elite family and raised in Colombo, but who was strongly linked to his Jaffna Tamil heritage. This is but one close Tamil friend of the president's, and it is quite clear that he was not a racist but rather a man who knew how to exploit racism to win the majority.
Family life

Jayewardene married Miss Elina Bandara Rupasinghe in 1935, Ravindra "Ravi" Vimal Jayewardene is their only child, he was an Officer in the Sri Lanka Army and served as the Presidential Security Adviser. He was a notable marksmen, pilot and the founder of the elite Special Task Force.

Sirimavo Bandaranaike stripped of her civic rights and barred from running for office for six years, based her decision in 1976 to extend the life of parliament. This ensured that the SLFP would be unable to field a strong candidate against him in the 1982 election, leaving his path to victory clear. This election was held under the 3rd amendment to the constitution which empowered the president to hold a Presidential Election anytime after the expiration of 4 years of his first term.
The UNP had obtained an overwhelming majority in the 1977 elections, and Jayewardene was loth to part with it. He therefore held a referendum to cancel the 1983 parliamentary elections, and allow the 1977 parliament to continue until 1989. He also passed a constitutional amendment barring from Parliament any MP who supported separatism; this effectively eliminated the main opposition party, the Tamil United Liberation Front.


Civil war


Jayewardene presents a baby elephant to American President Ronald Reagan and the American people, 1984


Jayewardene said in Daily Telegraph, 11th July 1983," Really if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy."
At first, the war went badly for the government, and the LTTE ended up in possession of Jaffna and most of the northern province. The army counterattacked with an offensive that threatened to retake the city, at the cost of many civilian casualties. Jayewardene had to halt the offensive after pressure from India pushed for a negotiated solution to the conflict. Jayewardene and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi finally concluded theIndo-Sri Lanka Accord, which provided for devolution of powers to Tamil dominated regions, an Indian peacekeeping force in the north, and the demobilization of the LTTE.
The LTTE rejected the accord, as it fell short of even an autonomous state.The provincial councils suggested by India were the once that didn't even had powers to control over revenue,police,government sponsored Sinhala settlements in Tamil provinces . Sinhala nationalists were outraged by both the devolution and the presence of foreign troops on Sri Lankan soil. An attempt was made on Jayawardene's life in 1987 as a result of his signing of the accord. Young, deprived Sinhalese soon rose in revolt, organized by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which was eventually put down by the government.
Jayewardene retired from politics in 1989; his successor Ranasinghe Premadasa was formally inaugurated on 2 January 1989.


Foreign Policy

Quite contrary to his predecessor, Sirima Bandaranaika, Jayawardena's foreign policy was aligned American policies (earning him the nickname 'Yankie Dickie') much to the chagrin of India. Before Jayawardena's ascendency into the presidency, Sri Lanka had doors widely open to its neighbourhood India. Jayawardena's tenure in the office restricted the doors to India a number of times; once an American company tender was granted over an Indian company tender.


Legacy

On the economic front, Jayewardene's legacy was decisive. For thirty years after independence, Sri Lanka had struggled in vain with slow growth and high unemployment. Since Jayewardene's reforms, the island has maintained healthy growth despite the civil war.

On the ethnic question, Jayewardene's legacy is bitterly divisive. When he took office, ethnic tensions were present but the country as a whole was at peace. By the end of his tenure, Sri Lanka was facing not one but two civil wars, both featuring unprecedented levels of violence and brutality.
Though Jayewardene indeed did not take measures to stop the attack on Tamils, he was not opposed to them personally, only politically. One of his most esteemed friends was a supreme court judge of Tamil ethnicity, a member of an elite family and raised in Colombo, but who was strongly linked to his Jaffna Tamil heritage. This is but one close Tamil friend of the president's, and it is quite clear that he was not a racist but rather a man who knew how to exploit racism to win the majority.


Friday, April 15, 2011

Late Hon. Dudley Senanayake

Dudley Shelton Senanayake (June 19, 1911 — April 13, 1973) was a Ceylonese (now Sri Lanka) politician, who became the second Prime Minister of Ceylon and went on to become prime minister on 2 more times during the 1950s and 1960s.
Early life
Dudley was born on 19 June, 1911 as the eldest son to Molly Dunuwila and Don Stephen Senanayake, who would become the first Prime Minister of Ceylon and found the United National Party which is still one of the main political parties in Sri Lanka and of which Dudley would become a life-long member. Dudley received his secondary education at St Thomas' College, where he excelled in his studies and sports. He become the Head Prefect, captained the college team at cricket at the Royal-Thomian and gained colours in Hockey, Boxing and Athletics. Senanayake then went on to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge to read for Natural Science Tripos and later was admitted to Middle Temple as a Barrister.
Political career
After returning to Ceylon, Dudley was elected a member of the State Council while his father was Minister of Agriculture and served as a back-bencher for 10 years. He succeeding his father as Minister of Agriculture in 1946 and held the post after Independence. He was still serving as agriculture minister when his father died unexpectedly. Four days later, on March 26, 1952, to the surprise of many, Dudley was chosen as prime minister by the Governor-General Lord Soulbury over his cousin Sir John Kotelawala. He called a general election, which the UNP won. The government became unpopular a year later, in 1953, when the price of rice was raised and subsidies were cut. Though the UNP remained in power, Senanayake resigned as prime minister during the Hartal 1953 and left politics.
He returned to politics in 1957 when the UNP lost elections. In March 1960, the UNP managed to form a government after elections and Senanayake became prime minister again, but the coalition fragmented and Dudley resigned as prime minister after only four months in office after new elections were held in which the UNP won less seats. He became the leader of the opposition and help force early elections in 1965 by persuading 14 supporters of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike to defect.
Senanayake served his longest term as prime minister from March 1965 to May 1970. His government originally consisted of six other parties and included both Tamil and Sinhalese nationalists. His government has been credited with restoring the Sri Lankan economy. He and his allies were defeated in the 1970 elections. He remained active in politics until his death, which occurred after a long illness on April 13, 1973.

Late Hon. Gen. Sir. John Kotelawala

General Sir John Lionel Kotelawala, KBE, CH (April 4, 1897 - October 2, 1980) was a Sri Lankan soldier and politician, most notable for serving as the 3rd Prime Minister of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) from 1953 to 1956.
Family and early life
John Kotelawala's father, a police inspector also named John, committed suicide when he was 11. His mother Alice Attygalle, who was originally a Buddhist converted to Christianity after this. The family was very poor after John Sr's death, but eventually became prosperous. Young Kotelawala attended the prestigious Royal College, Colombo, but had to leave after he became involved in pro-independence activities during the riots in 1915.
There after he embarked on a trip to Europe after leaving school, which was very dangerous because World War I was being fought there. He remained in Europe for five years, spending most of that time in England and France and attended Christ's College, Cambridge Universityto study agriculture.
Kotelawala was known as an aggressive and outspoken man who loved sports, particularly horseback riding and cricket and, particularly as a young man, often got into physical fights when he was insulted. He was fluent in Sinhala, English and French. After returning to Ceylon, he took up managing his family estates.
Military career
Kotelawala first served with the mounted section of the Colombo Town Guard without enlisting, since he was underage at the time. However after returning from Europe he was commissioned in to the Ceylon Light Infantry as a Second Lieutenant in 1922. He went on to serve 23 years mostly as a reservist. Before retiring as a Colonel, the highest rank that a Ceylonese could achieve, he was the commanding officer of the Ceylon Light Infantry. During World War II, he served in the Ceylon's War Cabinet . A strong supporter of the military, he was promoted to the rank of general on his deathbed, the night before his death by President J. R. Jayawardene in recognition for his service of the country's military when he gifted his home Kandawala to the government to establish a Military academy.
Political career
As early as 1915 Kotelawala had become involved with political leaders such as Don Stephen Senanayake and his brother F.R. Senanayake, who was married to Kotelawala's mother's sister. They criticized many of the actions of the British colonial officials.
He entered mainstream politics by being elected to the Legislative Council as the member of Kurunegala. There after he entered the State Council as backbencher and reelected in 1936. In his second term he was appointed Minister of Communications and Works. There after he was made Minister of Agriculture.
When Ceylon received independence and dominion status in 1948, Kotelawala, was appointed to the Senate, had become an important member of D. S. Senanayake's United National Party and he served in several important positions in the cabinet during Senanayake's tenure as prime minister (1948-1952) including as minister of communication, minister of public works and minister of transport. When the prime minister died in 1952, many expected Kotelawala to succeed him, but D. S. Senanayake's son and Kotelawala's younger cousin, Dudley Senanayake was appointed instead by the Governor-general. By the following year, Kotelawala was then the leaders of the house in parliament, and was chosen as prime minister when Dudley resigned after the Hartal 1953.
As prime minister, Kotelawala led Sri Lanka into the United Nations and contributed to Sri Lanka's expanding foreign relations, particularly with other Asian countries. In 1955 he led his country's delegation to the Bandung conference in Indonesia, where his performance earned him the epithet Bandung Booruwa (Bandung Donkey) in Sri Lanka. At the conference he stated his belief that fashionably Marxist anti-colonialist rhetoric ignored Communist atrocities. In a private conversation with the prime ministers of Pakistan, India, Burma, and China, he asked Chinese premier Zhou Enlai if he wanted to bring Communism to Tibet. Zhou replied that that was impractical and undesirable, and that the PRC had gone to Tibet because it was "an integral part of the Chinese state" and because it had been threatened by "imperialist intrigues" from the British and Russian empires.
His government had to deal with economic problems and ethnic conflicts, and he and his party were defeated in the 1956 elections by a group of more radically chauvinistic Sinhalese parties under the leadership of Solomon Bandaranaike. Kotelawala retired from politics shortly after his electoral defeat and lived for several years in Kent, United Kingdom. He eventually returned to Sri Lanka and suffered a stroke at his home Kandawala September 29, 1980. Sir John Kotelawala died in a hospital on October 2, 1980, and his remains were cremated at Independence Square on October 5 with full military honours.
Legacy
In 1985 a national defence academy for training of Officers for all three Defence services in Sri Lankan was established in his estate Kandawala, which he gifted. It has been named General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (KDU) is a defence university offering undergraduate and post graduate study courses to officers of Defence services in Sri Lanka in various disciplines.
Though he strongly criticized the racist attitudes of many westerners, particularly British colonial officials, he did support the continued military presence of the British in Ceylon. He advocated the adoption of some western customs in Sri Lanka. He was knighted and received several other honors from the Ceylonese/British monarch.